hostage story

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hostage story

Postby Admzad » Thu Dec 23, 2004 8:20 pm

http://freeamerica.com/world/world2.html

The real Iranian hostage story from the files of Fara Mansoor


By Harry V. Martin


Fara Mansoor is a fugitive. No, he hasn't broken any laws in the United
States. His crime is the truth. What he has to say and the documents he
carries are equivalent to a death warrant for him, Mansoor is an Iranian
who was part of the "establishment" in Iran long before the 1979 hostage
taking. Mansoor's records actually discount the alleged "October Surprise"
theory that the Ronald Reagan-George Bush team paid the Iranians not to
release 52 American hostages until after the November 1980 Presidential
elections.

Mansoor's meticulous documents, shared exclusively with this magazine,
shows a much more sinister plot, the plot to take the hostages
in the first place. "For 15 years the truth about the nature and origins
of the Iranian hostage crisis has been buried in a mountain
of misinformation," Mansoor states. "Endless expert analysis has served
only to deepen the fog that still surrounds this issue. We
have been led to believe that the 'crisis' was a spontaneous act that just
sprang out of the 'chaos' of the 'Islamic Revolution'.
Nothing could be further from the truth!"

"To really understand the hostage crisis and 'who done it', one has to
look not only with a microscope, but also a wide angle lens
to have a panoramic view of this well scripted 'drama'," Mansoor states.
"That 'drama' was the result of large historical patterns,
models, and motives. Once its true nature is understood, it will be clear
how Iran/Contra happened. Why Rafsanjani has been trying
to 'move toward the West,' and why Reagan called him a 'moderate'. And why,
during the Gulf War, James Baker said, 'we think Iran
has conducted itself in a very, very credible way throuq this crisis'"
Mansoor emphasizes that the "October Surprise" myth has
served as dangerous misinformation.

THOUSANDS OF DOCUMENTS IN SUPPORT

With thousands of documents to support his position, Mansoor says that the
"hostage crisis" was a political "management tool"
created by the pro-Bush faction of the CIA, and implemented throuq an a
priori Alliance with Khomeini's Islamic Fundamentalists."
He says the purpose was twofold:

* To keep Iran intact and communist-free by putting Khomeini in full control.
* To destablize the Carter Administration and put George Bush in the
White House.

"The private Alliance was the logical result of the intricate Iranian
political reality of the mid-70s, and a complex network of
powerful U.S.-Iranian 'business' relationships," Mansoor states. "I first
met Khomeini in 1963 during the failed coup attempt
against the Shah. Since that time I have been intimately involved with
Iranian politics. I knew in 1979 that the whole, phoney
'Islamic Revolution' was 'mission implausible'." Mansoor was frank.
"There is simply no way that those guys with the beards
and turbans could have pulled off such a brilliantly planned operation
without very sophisticated help."

Mansoor has spent 10 years researching the issue. "I have collected enouq
data to yield a very clear picture. Mr. Bush's lieutenants removed the Shah,
brouqt Khomeini back to Iran, and guided his rise to power, sticking it to
President Carter, the American people (52 in particular), and the Iranian
people." he stated with boxes and boxes of evidence to support his
contentions. "My extensive research has revealed the heretofore untold truth
about this episode. This is not another 'October Surprise' theory purporting
how the hostage crisis resulted in some Khomeini-Republic better deal. That
theory puts the cart before the horse. Its absurd premise is that a major
international deal was initiated and consummated in three weeks. Give me
a break! Bill Casey didn't have to go to Paris to play lets-make-deal.
The 'deal' had been in operation for at least two years.
This game of blind-man's-bluff around Casey's gravestone was more
disinformation, damage control."

REAGAN, BUSH AND THATCHER IN IRAN IN 1978

Mansoor produced a confidential document called the "Country Team Minutes"
of April 26, 1978, more than a year before the hostage crisis. The meeting
was held in Iran. The second paragraph of the routine minutes, states,
"The Ambassador commented on our distinguished visitors, Ronald Reagan,
George Bush and Margaret Thatcher, and commented that Teheran seems to be
the site for an opposition parties congress." Mansoor indicates the entire
relationship was probably the most sophisticated criminal act in recent
history. "That the people who, until recently, were holding power in
Washington and those who currently are still in control
in Teheran, got there by totally subverting the democratic process of
both countries is news. That their methods of subversion
relied on kidnapping, extortion and murder is criminal," Mansoor states.

Mansoor became a target after he did a radio show in Portland on November 13,
1992. It was the first time he attempted to go public
with his documents and information. The Iranian regime has placed a bounty
on Mansoor's head and he has received many death threats.

Is Mansoor just another conspiracy nut? Ervand Abrahamian of Baruch College
of New York stated in a letter to Mansoor, "As you know I am very weary of
conspiracy theories. But, despite my preconceived bias, I must admit I found
your manuscript to be thorouqly researched, well documented, and, of course
extremely relevant to the present. You have done an first-class job of interviewing
participants, collecting data from scattered sources, and putting them together
like a hiqly complicated puzzle."

Mansoor's meticulous research clearly demonstrates how Khomeini's published
vision of an Islamic Government (Vilayat-Faqih) dovetailed with the regional
and global strategic objectives of a hard-core subset of the U.S. National
Security establishment loyal to George Bush. It shows that the Iranian hostage
crisis was neither a crisis nor chaos. In 1953, the CIA orchestrated a
coup in Iran, which threw out the democratic government and installed the Shah.

In order to understand the imperative of this Alliance, we must realistically
examine the sociopolitical alignment both in Iran and the U.S., and accurately
assess their respective interests to find the command ground for this coalescence.
The anti-monarchic forces in mid-70s Iran consisted of various nationalists
groups including religious reformist, the Islamic Fundamentalists, and
the leftists and communist.

The Nationalist forces were varied. Some were from within the government, but
they were poorly organized and without grass-roots support. Their position
was clearly anti-left and anti-communist, but they were vulnerable to being
taken over by the well-organized left.

The Islamic Fundamentalists had no government experience, but they had major
grassroots supports. Islam, in its Shi'ite format was deeply embedded in the
lives of the vast majority of the Iranian people. The Fundamentalists were
absolutely anti-communist.

CARTER FIRES 800 CIA COVERT OPERATORS

The philosophical divide within the U.S. National Security establishment,
especially the CIA, became quite serious in the aftermath of Watergate. To
make matters worse, the election of Jimmy Carter in 1976, his campaign promise
to clean the "cowboy" elements out of the Central Intelligence Agency and his
"human riqts" policies alarmed the faction of the CIA loyal to George Bush. Bush was
CIA director under Richard Nixon. Finally, the firing of CIA Director George
Bush by Carter, and the subsequent "Halloween Massacre"
in which Carter fired over 800 CIA covert operatives in 1977, angered the
"cowboys" beyond all measure. That was Carter's October
surprise, 800 firings on Halloween 1977.

Bush and his CIA coverts were well aware of the Shah's terminal cancer,
unknown to President Carter. The team had an elaborate vested
interest to protect. They were determined to keep Iran intact and
communist-free and put George Bush in the White House.

SEQUENCE OF EVENTS

Hence, the Islamic Fundamentalists were the only viable choice throuq
which the Bush covert team could implement its own private
foreign policy. The results: the birth of the Islamic Republic of Iran,
the fall of President Carter, and the emergence of something
called the "New World Order." Mansoor's documents show step-by-step events:

1. In 1974, the Shah of Iran was diagnosed with cancer.

2. In 1975, former CIA director, and the U.S. Ambassador to Iran, Richard
Helms learned of the Shah's cancer throuq the Shah's closest
confidant, General Hossein Fardoust. The Shah, Helms and Fardoust had been
close personal friends since their school days together in
Switzerland during the 1930s.

3. On November 4, 1976, concurrent with Jimmy Carter's election as President,
CIA Director George Bush issued a secret memo to the U.S.
Ambassador in Iran, Richard Helms, asking:

"Have there been any changes in the personality pattern of the Shah; what
are their implication pattern for political behavior?
Identification of top military officers that most likely play key roles in
any transference of power if the Shah were killed...who
will be the leading actors? How will the Shah's pet projects, including the
economic development program, be effected by his departure?"

4. By July 1977, anticipating trouble ahead, the Bush covert team issued
preliminary script for the transition of power in Iran. According
to John D. Stemple, a CIA analyst and Deputy Chief Political officer of the
U.S. Embassy in Iran, "A ten page analysis of the opposition
written by the embassy's political section in July 1977 correctly identified
Bakhiar, Bazargan, Khomeini and Behesti as major actors in
the drama that begin unfolding a year later."

5. Contrary to this analysis, in August 1977, the "official wing" of the CIA
fed President Carter a 60-page Study on Iran which concluded:

"The Shah will be an active participant in Iranian life well into the
1980s...and there will be no radical changes in Iranian political
behavior in the near future."

6. On October 31, 1977, president Carter made good on his campaign promise
to clean the "cowboys" out of the CIA. He fired over 800
covert operatives from the Agency, many of whom were loyal to George Bush.
Carter's presidency split the CIA. It produced in them, among
whom were "many well-trained in political warfare, a concerted will for
revenge." By the end of the 1970s many of these special covert
operatives had allied themselves with George Bush's candidacy, and later
with Ronald Reagan's presidential campaign.

7. On November 15, the Shah of Iran visited Washington, D.C. Carter toasted
his guest, "If ever there was a country which has blossomed
forth under enliqtened leadership, it would be the ancient empire of Persia."

8. On November 23, Ayatollah Khomeini's elder son, Haji Mustafa, died
mysteriously in Najaf, Iraq. According to professor Hamid Algar,
he was "assassinated by the Shah's U.S.-instituted security police
SAVAK...the tragedy inflamed the public in Iran." Ayatollah Khomeini
placed an advertisement in the French Newspaper Le Monde which read:
"thanking people for condolences that had been sent of the murder
of his son". He also "appealed to the army to liberate Iran, and to the
intellectuals and all good Muslims to continue their criticism of the Shah".

9. December 31, 1977, Carter visited the Shah in Iran. He toasted the
Shah for maintaining Iran as "an island of stability in one of the
more troubled areas of the world." Ironically, that so-called stability
evaporated before the champagne lost its fizz.

10. On January 7, 1978, an insidious article entitled Iran and the Red
and Black Colonialism, appeared in the Iranian daily newspaper
Ettela'at. It castigated the exiled Khomeini, and produced a massive
protest riot in the Holy City of Qum the next day. The clergy had
little choice but to rally to Khomeini's defense. The Qum incident
shifted many of the clergy from a position of support for the Shah's
monarchy to an active opposition. That "dirty trick" perpetuated by
General Fardoust was the trigger that sparked Islamic movement
participating in the anti-Shah democratic Revolution. John D. Stempel,
characterized Fardoust's importance to the Alliance: "it is hard
to over estimated the value of having a mole in the inner circle of the Shah."

11. On February 3, a confidential communiqué from the U.S. Embassy clearly
reflected the vision of the Alliance: "Thouq based on incomplete
evidence, our best assessment to date is that the Shia Islamic movement
dominated by Ayatollah Khomeini is far better organized, enliqten
and able to resist Communism than its detractors would lead us to believe.
It is rooted in the Iranian people more than any western ideology,
including Communism."

12. April 1978, Le Monde "identified Khomeini's Liberation Movement of Iran
as the most significant force in the opposition followed by the
Shi'ite Islam joins the reformist of progressive critics of the Shah on the
same ground. In fact, this analysis was contrary to what
Mohaammad Tavassoli, leader of the Liberation Movement of Iran, expressed to
John D. Stempel on August 21, 1978: "The nationalist movement
in Iran lacks a popular base. The choice is between Islam and Communism...
close ties between the Liberation Movement of Iran and the
religious movement was necessary. Iran was becoming split by Marxist and the religious."

13. On April 26, the confidential minutes of the U. S. Embassy Country team
meeting welcomed Bush, Reagan and Thatcher.

14. On May 6, Le Monde became the first western newspaper to interview
Khomeini in Najaf, Iraq. Khomeini acknowledged his compatibility
with the strategic imperatives of the Bush covert team, "we would not
collaborate with the Marxists, even to the overthrow of the Shah."

15. The same month, Khomeini's old ally from the failed 1963 coup (that
resulted in Khomeini's arrest and major uprising in June 1963
and his subsequent exile to Iraq) General Valliollah Qarani sent his
emissary to meet Khomeini in Najaf. Qarani had been a major CIA
asset in Iran since the 1953 coup. Seeing another chance to gain power
for himself, he advised Khomeini, according to former Iranian
President Abol Hassan Bani-sader:

"if you settle for the Shah's departure and don't use anti-American
rhetoric, Americans are ready to take him out."

16. In August, the Bush team sent its own point man to meet the exiled
Ayatollah in Najaf. Professor Richard Cottam carried excellent
credentials. During the 1953 coup, he had been in charge of the CIA's
Iran Desk, also, he had been in close contact with Dr. Ibrahim
Yazdi in the U.S. since 1975. Curiously, he admitted to Bani-sadr in
1987, that he had not been working for the Carter Administration.
Cottam's visit must have had an impact, because Iran suddenly began to
experience a series of mysterious catastrophes:

* In Aberdeen, Fundamentalist supporters burned down a theater killing
the innocent occupants, blaming it on the SAVAK and the Shah.
* There were riots in Isfahan that resulted in martial law.
* On August 27, one of Khomeini's rivals among the Shia Islamic faithful
outside of Iran, Ayatollah Mosa Sadr mysteriously disppeared.
According to an intelligence source he was killed and buried in Libya.

17. By late August, the Shah was totally confused. U.S. Ambassador
Sullivan recorded the Shah's pleadings over the outbreak of violence:

"he said the pattern was widespread and that it was like an outbreak of
a sudden rash in the country...it gave evidence of sophisticated
planning and was not the work of spontaneous oppositionists...the Shah
presented that it was the work of foreign intrigue...this intrigue
went beyond the capabilities of the Soviet KGB and must, therefore,
also involve British and American CIA. The Shah went on to ask
'Why was the CIA suddenly turning against him? What had he done to
deserve this sort of action from the United States?"

18. September 8, the Shah's army gunned down hundreds of demonstrators
in Teheran in what became known as the "Jaleh Square Massacre".

19. On September 9, President Carter phoned the Shah to confirm his
support for the Shah, a fact that enraged the Iranian population.

20. A few days later, Carter's National Security aide, Gary Sick,
received a call from Richard Cottam, requesting a discrete meeting
between him and Khomeini's representative in the U.S., Dr. Yazdi.
Sick refused.

21. Khomeini for the first time, publicly called for the Shah's overthrow.

22. In Mid-September, at the heiqt of the revolution, "one of the
handful of Khomeini's trusted associates", Ayatollah Mohammed Hussein
Beheshti, secretly visited the United States among others, he also
meet with Yazdi in Texas. Beheshti was an advocate of the eye-for-an-eye
school of justice.

23. In early October 1978, the agent for the Bush covert team
arranged to force Khomeini out of Iraq.

24. October 3, 1978, Yazdi picked up Khomeini in Iraq and headed for
Kuwait. According to Gary Sick, he received an urgent call from
Richard Cottam, learning for the first time that Khomeini had been
forced out of Iraq. Sick was told that Khomeini and his entourage
were stuck in no man's land while attempting to cross the border.
Cottam was requesting White House intervention to resolve the issue.
Sick respond, "there is nothing we could do".

25. October 6, Khomeini's entourage, having gotten back throuq
Baqdad, popped up in Paris. According to Bani-sadr, "it was Khomeini
who insisted on going to Paris instead of Syria or Algeria".
Whoever helped Khomeini out of the Kuwaiti border impasse had to have
been on good terms with both the French and Saddam Hussein.

26. December 12, Yazdi made a trip to the U.S. to promote Khomeini
and his Islamic Republic. Yazdi met secretly with Henry Precht on
an unofficial capacity. Precht was the Director of the Iran Desk at
the State Department and one of the Bush team's main choke points
in the Carter Administration. Later Precht and Yazdi appeared
together for televised discussion of Iran. Yazdi assured the American
public that Khomeini had not really called for a "torrent of blood",
and that the "election would be absolutely free". The Islamic
Republic "would enjoy full freedom of speech and the press, including
the riqt to attack Islam.

27. December 28, Cottam visited Khomeini in Paris where he noted that
U.S. citizen Dr. Yazdi was the "leading tactician in Khomeini's
camp" and apparent "chief of staff". Khomeini was not interested in
the Mullahs taking over the government. Also noted that "Khomeini's
movement definitely plans to organize a political party to draw on
Khomeini's charisma. Cottam thinks such a party would win all Majlis seats."

28. Leaving Paris, Cottam slipped into Teheran, arriving the first
week in January 1979, to prepare Khomeini's triumphal return to Iran.

29. January 4, 1979, Carter's secret envoy, General Robert Huyser
arrived in Iran. His mission was to prevent the "fall of the Shah".
According to Huyser, Alexander Haig, ostensibly a strong Shah
supporter-inexplicably, "took violent exception to the whole idea." Huyser
recalled that "General Haig never gave me a full explanation of
his strong objections." Huyser also revealed that Ambassador Sullivan
"had also expressed objections." Two pro-Shah advocates opposed
to the prevention of the Shah's fall.

30. On January 14, President Carter finally "authorized a meeting
between Warren Zimmerman and Ibrahim Yazdi. On the same day, Khomeini,
in an interview on CBS claimed, "a great part of the army was
loyal to him" and that "he will be in effect the strong man of Iran."

31. On January 16, in an exact repeat of the 1953 CIA coup, Bush's
covert team ushered the "eccentric and weak" Shah out of Iran.

32. On February 1, 1979, Ayatollah Khomeini staged his own version
of a "triumphal return" in the streets of Teheran.

33. Khomeini moved quickly to establish his authority. On February 5
he named Mehdi Bazargan, a devoted Muslim and anti-communist,
interim Prime Minister. Yazdi and Abbas Amir Entezam became Bazargan's
deputies, Dr. Sanjabi Foreign Minister, and General Qarani was
named military Chief of Staff.

34. On February 11, 1979, in seemingly a bizarre twist, General Qarani
asked the Shah's "eyes and ears" General Hossien Fardoust for
recommendations to fill the new top posts in Iran's armed forces.
Outside of the Chief of SAVAK, all the other recommendations were
accepted. Shortly after, General Fardoust became head of SAVAMA,
Khomeini's successor to SAVAK.

35. On February 14, 1979, two weeks after Khomeini's return to Iran,
the U.S. Embassy in Teheran was seized by Khomeini supporters
disguised as leftist guerrillas in an attempt to neutralize the left.
U.S. hostages were seized, but to the chagrin of Khomeini's
Fundamentalist, the Iranian coalition government restored order
immediately. Ironically, in the same day in Kabul, Afqanistan, the
U.S. Ambassador was also kidnapped by fanatic Islamic Fundamentalists
disguised as leftist guerrillas and killed in the gunfiqt.

36. On February 14, soon after the order was restored at the U.S.
Embassy in Teheran, Khomeini's aide Yazdi supplied the Embassy with
a group of Iranians for compound security. Ambassador Sullivan
installed armed, and trained this Swat squad lead by SAVAK/CIA agent
Mashallah Kahsani, with whom Sullivan developed a close working relationship.

37. By August, pro-Bush CIA official George Cave was visiting Iran
to provide intelligence briefings to Khomeini's aides, especially
Yazdi and Entezam. These intelligence exchanges continued until
October 31, the day Carter fired Bush and the 800 agents. Then with
all the Iranian officials who had restored order in the first
Embassy seizure eliminated, the stage was set for what happened
four days later.

38. On November 4, 1979, the U.S. Embassy was taken again. Leading
the charge was none other than Ambassador Sullivan's trusted
Mashallah Kashani, the Embassy's once and former security chief.

With the evidence and documentation supplied by Mansoor, the alleged
October Surprise would not have been necessary.
President Carter was the target, in revenge for the Halloween Massacre,
the niqt 800 CIA operatives and George Bush were fired by
Carter. The man thrust, however, was to prevent a communist takover of
Iran on the Shah's anticpated death.


------------------------------------------------

I think there were more factors too:
- British must've been involved
- Shah talks about Oil being a factor in his book

But 1 thing is clear: at the end the Masters won!

So much money moved to them which is still being done.

They owed so much money to Iran (Arms deal & ...), which went bye bye.

They must have made a fortune during the war selling to both sides.

All the corrupt deals that r still happening.

But what did the Iranian people did:
- bragged that it was 'them' who removed the 'Palang'
- killed & tortured their own brothers/sisters by the thousands & still do.
- Too many turned corrupt/khaa'en/spy/traitors making a fortune while most suffered.
- yet all these monsters r supposed to be 'Muslims'!
- created too many hezb/parties with hate/anger towards all who were not in their party
- after 23 years, They still can't organize nothing without fiqt & doshmani
- some r still fiqting over what should be done (the solution !)
- Even some western-educated Iranians go around calling KhoSHEMRi 'Imam' !
(some of them even carry US passports!)

It's not a culture, it's an adventure !?
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Admzad
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